Urbanities,
Vol. 3
·
No 2
·
November 2013
© 2013
Urbanities
8
Prince, appears as one of the main departure points for emigrants, accounting for 51% of those
interviewed, it is soon followed by Gonaìves, with 37%. It was also observed that groups of
Haitians leave together from a single location, which suggests the existence of social networks
and efforts to establish a form of protection for the long journey. The fact that many of them had
already emigrated to the Dominican Republic,
4
and had lived there briefly, or for a few years,
indicates that some had used this country as a stop on the way to Brazil. Since 2013, Haitians
coming from Venezuela have also increased, perhaps due to the encouragement of family
members or compatriots already in Brazil.
In Manaus, Haitians are concentrated in the city’s central and Southern neighborhoods,
such as São Jorge, São Raimundo, Coroado, Aparecida, Chapada, Alvorada, Compensa, Santo
Antonio and Parque Dez. In the Northern area they can be found in the neighborhoods of Manoa,
Monte das Oliveiras, Zumbi I and II, as well as the João Paulo housing project. Meanwhile, in the
Eastern area they are found in the Nova República housing projects, which is in the Industrial
District.
Their housing conditions are usually precarious, and for those who live in small flats
(kitchenettes) the situation is even worse. The same applies to those Haitians living in slum-like
tenements within various neighborhoods; tiny rooms with little ventilation and high humidity,
which are called ‘Vilas’. When these immigrants begin working and move to a better place, they
begin purchasing essential pieces of furniture for the house, like a bed, a stove, or a table. To
lower the costs of rent, they frequently share a house with friends.
While housing is a difficult challenge to overcome, entering the labour market is another.
In Manaus, they are offered low-skilled, low-pay jobs such as in general services, as construction
assistants, guards, kitchen helps, packagers in retail stores, housecleaners and manicure
assistants. Other engage in informal activities in the streets, such as selling food and carrying
advertising boards. Some are able to work in factories in the Industrial District or in language
schools, where the salary is about double the minimum wage (US$ 600). It is worth noting that,
when interviewed, some of those who had worked in civil construction in Haiti said they would
like to continue working in this sector in Brazil; perhaps due to the growing demand for labour
in this area. Meanwhile, for others, when asked what work they would like to do in Brazil, the
answer, for the majority of them, was: ‘
quel que soit’
, or, whatever they could find.
Women expressed a clear resistance to domestic service, mainly due to its low social
value in Haiti and its very low pay. Most of the women were previously self-employed in small
comercial enterprises, selling triffles and low cost items as pedlars, or as street stall food vendors.
Even those who accept domestic service work refuse to sleep at the job. They are not only
accustumed to their previous liberty, but also believe their bosses will not respect an eight-hour
work day. This resistance should therefore be understood in a broader sociocultural context as, in
both Haiti and Brazil, domestic service is still associated to social inferiority, as a result of the
4
There are an estimated 1 million Haitians in the Dominican Republic (Silié 2002).
